Serious errors of fact in CRS LL File No. 2009-002965 on Honduras

The following is a letter sent from Dr. Rosemary Joyce, Richard and Rhoda Goldman Distinguished Professor of Social Sciences and Chair of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley, to the Library of Congress regarding the very serious errors in the report issued in their name yesterday. Please distribute widely.

Subject: Serious errors of fact in CRS LL File No. 2009-002965 on Honduras
From: "Rosemary A. Joyce"
Date: Fri, September 25, 2009 12:49 am
To: jbil@loc.gov
crsdirector@crs.loc.gov
Cc: mray@loc.gov
kott@loc.gov
rehlke@crs.loc.gov
kronhovde@crs.loc.gov
lkelley@crs.loc.gov
ccohen@crs.loc.gov
rwhite@crs.loc.gov
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Dear Librarian Billingsley and Director Mulhollan,

I write to bring to your attention serious errors of fact in a
Congressional Research Service report written by Ms. Norma C. Gutierrez.
Given the damage this erroneous report has already done as it circulates
in Honduras and the US, I urge you to immediately issue a public
correction and withdraw the report, notifying members of Congress that it
is unreliable and based on faulty courses and inaccurate information.

Entitled "HONDURAS: CONSTITUTIONAL LAW ISSUES" and dated August 2009, the
report was released by Congressman Schock of Illinois today.

It has now been established unequivocally that Ms. Gutierrez' produced a
fatally flawed report.

There are four problems with Ms. Gutierrez' analysis:

(1) She cites a single Honduran legal analyst as a source of personal
communications "confirming" conclusions she draws. Her source is a known
supporter of the de facto regime in Honduras, Guillermo Pérez-Cadalso, who
testified on behalf of the de facto regime in July's hearings in the US
Congress

This is not a disinterested source. There are numerous Honduran law
professors, as well as constitutional law authorities in the US and Spain,
on record in writing finding the Honduran Congress exceeded its legal
authority in claiming to remove President Zelaya from office on June 28.
None of these authorities is cited.

(2) Ms. Gutierrez, rather than analyze the arguments made by the Honduran
Congress, as the questions she was asked would require, creates her own
novel theory: that the Honduran Congress used a constitutional
power given it to interpret the Honduran Constitution so as to justify its
removal of President Zelaya.

Specifically, she suggests that the Congress must have interpreted its
Constitutional authority to "disapprove" of the actions of a president,
extending the definition of "disapproval" to include "removal from
office".

Such a claim was not, however, actually made by the Honduran Congress in
its June 28 actions. This is a post-hoc rationalization for their actions
proposed by Ms. Gutierrez, apparently with guidance from Mr.
Pérez-Cadalso, who is cited as confirming this rationalization in a
footnote citing a
phone conversation.

(3) In fact, on May 7, 2003, the Honduran Supreme Court had nullified the
claimed power of the Congress to interpret the Constitution. Thus, it
is not surprising that the Honduran Congress made no such claim on June
28, since they no longer could assert such authority, which the Supreme
Court had rejected.

(4) Even during the period when the Honduran Congress acted under the
belief it had the power to interpret the Constitution, it was bound
by procedures that required it to explicitly note that it was
interpreting the constitution, and to define the circumstances of the
definitions they proposed.

This did not happen on June 28, almost certainly because no such claim was
then being made, because the Congress was aware of the May Supreme Court
ruling invalidating this claimed power.

In addition, the Honduran congressional session on June 28 was not the
kind of ordinary session that had been defined as allowing constitutional
interpretation; it was an "extraordinary session". Honduran Congressional
procedure requires that extraordinary sessions be convened based on a call
that defines the issues to be discussed, and no other issues can legally
be introduced.

Interpreting the constitution was not on the agenda (again, one can
suppose that this was because the Honduran Congress knew on June 28 that
the Supreme Court had nullified their claim to have such power over a
month earlier).

In reading the CRS, I was struck by the reliance on a single source, via
personal communications, to draw such consequential conclusions. There is
no shortage of legal scholarship published and available which would have
helped Ms. Gutierrez avoid these fundamental errors of scholarship; I
mention here only one such source, the widely distributed paper published
online by ASIL (the American Society of Internation Law), written by
invitation by Notre Dame Law Professor Doug Cassell.

There are more points that are disturbing in this CRS report. For example,
footnote 43 offers a characterization of a forged resignation letter
attributed to President Zelaya, backdated to June 24, as being explained
as a true letter written for nefarious purposes; the source for this
claim, again, is the same supporter of the coup, Mr. Pérez-Cadalso. Yet
his claim is widely discredited; the back-dated letter is widely viewed as
a forgery produced when the coup was originally scheduled to happen, an
event delayed in part by US diplomatic action.

In short, in my view, Ms. Gutierrez produced her unreliable report in
large part because she failed to exercise sufficient scholarly caution
about one influential, yet unaccountable, source. She did not seek out
other opinions. Her search of legal opinion was consequently flawed, as
she missed the key Supreme Court decision of May 7, 2003. She went beyond
her mandate, which was to explain whether the claims of constitutionality
made by the Honduran Congress were accurate, and instead provided a
speculative rationalization of their actions.

This report raises serious questions in my mind about the overall
reliability of similar reports from the Congressional Research Service. As
a scholar, I hope that you will take swift action to restore the
credibility of CRS and, by extension, the Library of Congress.

Rosemary A. Joyce
Richard and Rhoda Goldman Distinguished Professor of Social Sciences

Professor and Chair of Anthropology
University of California, Berkeley

Comments

A Honduran WHO KNOWS BEST ...

Dr. Rosemary Joyce, Richard and Rhoda Goldman, from the University of California, Berkeley I believe make an interesting point trying to discredit the analysis from the Library of Congress. But the so called "flaws" they cited in the CRS report fail miserably to nullify the overall conclusion of the report, which is the fact that the removal of the ex President is in accordance with Honduran Laws.

We can rationalize forever here trying to prove one point or another. That is useless. Laws are different in different countries. Examples are laws about Poligamy, Same Sex Marriages, Abortion, Drugs Consumption, etc ... The universal precept here is Respecto for Self Determination of the people, in each country.

Dr. Rosemary Joyce, Richard and Rhoda Goldman, conveniently cite the ruling of the Supreme Court back in 2003, stating Congress has no power to interpret the Constitution. But they cynically avoid the fact this same Supreme Court issued the arrest order for Mr. Zelaya in June 28 2009.

To these respected scholars I can only advice to open their eyes and consciences to recognize this whole mess is full of flaws to complain to the international laws. Democratically elected political leaders of so many countries taking hostage an electoral process as the only maneuver the can come up with to force Honduran goverment to go back in time and ignore all the judicial rullings of our Supreme Court ... Please respected scholars ... I would really expect much more of such credited sources.

Which world are we living in? Can we given ludicrous and lack of common sense, or even judicial backing acts such as the the ones the OAS, including the US, are doing by intimidating a country not to recognize legal elections if the crooked ex president is not returned to power, really get caught in tiny details to discredit a document by the CRS which in the end only establishes what even common sense dictates to the citizens of the world?

Another very inconvenient truth dear scholars... This club of presidents acting out of pure political fear, and self interest here, are acting very much in disagreement of the citizens of the countries they claim to represent. Just like in Honduras, 85 - 90 % of the population baked the ousted of our ex narco - president, not for their common crimes, but for violating the constitution, pretendind to rewrite it, for his own political agenda.

History will be a judge of this post cold war "new war" against the democratic principles, and the international laws. The damage that this political alliance is making to the wold, and the precedent it is setting for the future is far more damaging than they foresee now. History will prove who is right in the end ...

With all respect, dear scholars ...

A HONDURAN, WHO KNOWS BEST.

A Good Honduran

The CRS report was elaborated by a young Ms. Gutierrez who is not by far a skilled interpreter of Honduran constitutional law.

I am Honduran except I don't presume to "know best" and I respect more the opinion of Honduran constitutional lawyers and scholars who analyzed the presidential impeachment decree and found it utterly flawed and not consistent with the constitution. The enactment was carelessly conceived and violates each and every constitutional article it tries incoherently and illegally to apply.

The coup leaders held up and took the country hostage and please don't dismiss the well known fact that your Supreme Court is the most corrupt and Honduran Justices rule consistently in favor of the corporate political mafia who appoints them.

How can democratic nations approve the uncivilized act of the armed forces to kidnap and expatriate a legitimate president and that ex post facto coup leaders tried to legalize with bogus accusations not proven by due judicial process. Which world do you live in?

Are you not Honduran or simply unaware that 80% of the population is poor and that half of them live in extreme poverty? how thus can you claim the poor would be supporters of the cruel businessmen and their collaborators that ousted the president and are violently repressing the unarmed coup opponents with beatings and chemical gases, raping women, and incarcerating and torturing those who dare manifest peacefully. Is this what you call democratic principles? And yes, history and the International Court of Justice will be a judge of the unprecedented damage and violation of human rights perpetuated against defenseless Honduran people that now call themselves La Resistencia, so wake up and listen to their voices that are calling for justice and giving birth to a new Honduras.

Nim

She writes a good letter

I hope they'll listen to her.

--Charles

Social Science and Anthtopology vs Law Profession

I respect your opinion, but ask you to consider whether as a professor of Social Science you are completely unbiased and more informed about international law than an expert lawyer?

Expert Lawyer?

No one needs to be an adept at international law to understand the Honduran constitution that uses clear and uncomplicated language. Prominent Honduran constitutional lawyers i.e. Edmundo Orellana Mercado and Efraín Moncada Silva, whose books are used in the curriculum of all Law Schools in Honduras are consistent in their appreciation that the presidential impeachment decree passed by the Honduran Congress is in blatant violation of the constitution. It is unlikely that a U.S. republican congressman or an attorney who services those who orchestrated the coup would be unbiased and more informed about Honduran constitutional law than these respected scholars.

Nim

The "expert" lawyers on the Constitutionality of the coup

Include

Notre Dame University Professor of Law Doug Cassell, whose commentary is available in English and Spanish from this web page

Universidad de Zaragoza, Spain Constitutional Law Professor Francisco Palacios Romeo, whose writing in Spanish can be accessed via links from this English-language discussion of the main points

Former Honduran government minister and professor of law at the Universidad Autonoma Nacional de Honduras, Efrain Moncada Silva, whose editorials in Honduran newspapers are too numerous to count, but start with the one linked to and discussed here, and add his irreplaceable commentary on Article 239.

Former Honduran government minister, Fiscal General, and representative to the UN, and professor of law at the Universidad Autonoma Nacional de Honduras, among whose numerous statements since the June 28 coup is one linked and discussed at here, which gives the entire argument for unconstitutionality in a nutshell:

"The President of the Republic was captured by the Armed Forces, but our Constitution orders that judicial warrants should be carried out by the National Police (Art. 293), not by the Armed Forces, whose functions are of another order and much more elevated (Art. 272). After his capture, the President was not brought to a center of legal confinement, despite the fact that the Constitution orders that those detained or made prisoners should only be in the locations that the lay sets out (Art. 85). The President was expatriated to Costa Rica and the Constitution prohibits that Hondurans should be expatriated (Art. 102). The National Congress decreed the removal of the President, but the Constitution only attributes to it the power to accept his resignation or to substitute for him in case of absolute absence (Art. 205, no. 12). The National Congress founded the removal of the President on their rejection of his conduct as an official, nonetheless, the Constitution attributes to Congress the power to reject the "administrative conduct of the Executive Power" (Art. 205, no. 20), not of the official. That rejection, according to the National Congress, was due to the President violating the Constitution, many laws and judicial orders, but the Constitution only empowers the Congress to reject the "administrative conduct" (Art. 205, no. 20); the power to decide when he has violated the law or a judicial order, as well as to judge such deeds, is reserved, exclusively, in our Magna Carta, to the Judicial Power (Arts. 303 and 304)."

Want more? these are just a sample.

You don't need to be a constitutional scholar, just a scholar, to see when a report lacks basic scholarly support. The verdict is in, and the events of June 28 were entirely unconstitutional.

As an "Anthtopologist"

I'd say that indeed, looking at her analysis, Dr. Joyce, with 3 decades of work in Honduras and a profound knowledge of the Honduran political system and legal apparatus, is better qualified than an outsider hired by a 28-year old ideologue with a decidedly biased stance. It's clear in the ridiculousness of their comments here and elsewhere that golpistas have long run out of anything substantive to say.

Honduras Coup Legal review

Regarding the power of Honduran Congress to interpret the constitution, the Honduran congress in this case does not need any interpretation. Article 239 explicitly deposes a president if he so much as threatens to change the constitution to stay in office.
Please read the constitution of Honduras, article 239, which will clearly give you better insight into the legal matter, regardless of your political views and that of people cited in Ms. Gutierrez's article.

Nice Try, wrong again

Note that article 239 is not mentioned in the decree by which the Honduran Congress deposes the President. The deliberate omission of said article clearly shows that article 239 could not be applied without further violating the constitution for no one can be found guilty without due process of law and firm sentencing by a competent Judge. President Zelaya never once said he wanted to change the constitution to remain in office. Congress was exceedingly careless to interpret the constitution, make unfounded accusations and deliver a conviction without the authority, further more the impeachment decree doesn't determine the assumed charges and the enactment can be annulled without effort by an impartial court of justice.

Still applies

His actions still proposed constitutional reform, which bar him from office for 10 years. Don't agree? Take up his defense with the Honduras court - you know, the one that ordered him arrested.

Would you go so far as to say there is no power to remove the president in the Honduran constitution? Or are you saying they did not file the right paperwork when they did it?

And Pepe Lobo?

There is a curious detail that you seemingly do not know: Pepe Lobo, the National Party candidate publicly announced he favored constitutional reform at the same time President Zelaya did, except that Pepe Lobo went as far as to present the motion to amend the constitution through his parties congressional representatives (!)
Now that is in blatant violation of Article 239 that you so feverishly defend. http://www.hondudiario.com/nacionales=4290.php

This evidences the Honduran Supreme Court is selective in applying the law for no one mentions the National party congressional representatives who "officially" entered the motion and signed the initial project of law that pursued legal structuring of the "4ta Urna" and creation of a National Assembly to reform the constitution, strangely the same initiative for which President Zelaya was unfairly condemned.

According to Legislative and Judicial Powers and Private Corporate organizations in Honduras, only President Zelaya should be punished and this by itself shows the irregular and arbitrary usage of the law. Prominent Honduran Lawyers have found the ruling of the Honduran Supreme Court not consistent with the law or the constitution, but this comes as no surprise for a Supreme Court that is known as the most corrupt in the hemisphere, whose Justices are appointed by the same political mafia who orchestrated the coup and who the Justices evidently and unarguably submissively obey.

Nim

Actually, you're wrong

The constitution requires a trial in which the accused has a right to defense in order for any corrective action to take place. This never occurred.

First of all, Micheletti

First of all, Micheletti tried to amend the Honduran constitution in the 80's to extend Suazo Cordoba's term, in fact Micheletti is guilty of the crimes he is only "accusing" Zelaya of. I say "accusing" because these are merely assumptions, we don't know if Zelaya intended to stay in office or not, he was not allowed to complete his term. Imagine if you/I were put in exile because someone "assumes" your going to commit a crime? That's simply ridiculous and neanderthal-like. Now, if his term was over, and if Zelaya refused to leave office, then that would be a completely different story. ASS U ME

Micheletti's appointment

Another serious flaw in the report was to say that Micheletti was next in line. While it is true that the vice president resigned 6 months before to concentrate on his election to be president his successor Vice President Aristides Mejia then became next in line under the Honduran constitution. The report makes no mention of this merely mentioning that the VP had resigned.