Day 80, September 15 from Oscar (my translation)

On September 15th we celebrate the independence of Central America, in a fiesta traditionally characterized by military bands, marching squads and baton-twirlers from secondary schools who compete among themselves for first place of all those marching in the street. This has always been an opportunity for the population to be spectators of the tribute paid by the youth to the nation. Together with their families, thousands of people line the streets from the very early hours to watch the schoolchildren pass by on their way to the national stadium where the parade ends. It has been, as the media has always called it, a civic festival.

But this year was different. This September 15th had a special significance–for some, an opportunity to demand real independence for a country kidnapped by the oligarchy, to resist a coup d'etat that threatens the fragile structures of democracy and to demonstrate the strength of the Honduran people who refuse to accept Micheletti Bain as president; for others, a commemoration of their ideological independence from Chavez's left–as Channel 8 explained in its coverage of the event–and ultimately from the world, which has united in condemning the ruling class and its "reinterpretation" of the basic principles of democracy. In Honduras we are independent, said Micheletti Baín, we won't let any country influence us. So there were two parallel parades, commemorating two independences, two profoundly different countries.

On the one hand the government of Micheletti organized a military parade. All the battalions of the army in its three branches paraded down the streets of Tegucigalpa reaffirming their war power: helicopters flew overhead, combat planes showing off complicated maneuvers, skilled parachutists falling into the stadium accompanying the civilians who brought ought their Hummers, luxury horses and Harley Davidson motorcycles to support the de facto president who, holding back tears, thanked HIS people for their support from the Presidential Box.

Still, it must be recognized that the demonstration of force that the government wanted to give to the world was not very convincing. The parade was short, it only lasted a few hours and although the spectacle would have been to the Honduran population's liking (we have always liked this type of circus), it was clear that it had very little civilian presence. Many of the marchers were war veterans and members of the Army Reserves who could barely make it to the National Stadium, which, with a capacity of 35,000 spectators looked empty–there were barely five thousand people in the rows. It was necessary to make use of the soldiers themselves, who, upon leaving the stage, went up into the rows trying to fill the stadium. People simply didn't attend the Government's ceremony and as Armida de López said, not sounding very convinced, we have to celebrate the fact that in Honduras people have the freedom to do whatever they want. Because the people went to the other march.

Just a few kilometers away the resistance organized an independence march, a popular parade attended by hundreds of thousands of people from all over Tegucigalpa. In a parallel fashion, each city in the country had a similar parade, full of color, diversity and optimism for a popular victory that feels closer and closer. There were no incidents in the march of the people- some say it was because today the infiltrators were filling the national stadium. Groups of people came from all the neighborhoods and districts of the city, organized from the base, all with a collective spirit that reminds us that united we are a strong people and nation, capable of overthrowing the dictatorship.

We saw the F5 military planes that passed by just above our heads, hurting our ears and showing off, trying to intimidate us with their power. But rather than scare us, they came off as desperate and sad. The face of the police and soldiers who prevented the protest from reaching the National Stadium was contorted, with a downward and demoralized gaze. The faces of Michelleti and his entourage of pirates were the same. Theirs seemed more like a funeral procession than a civic festival. And it's that they know that the army may fill the stadium for the coup government, but that even though the Armed Forces can topple presidents, soldiers in Honduras don't vote.

Among the people, the decision of the United States government to cancel the visas of many of the principal figures in the coup was widely celebrated. We don't celebrate because we believe that with this our problems will be resolved, since we know that will still take a lot of work and sacrifice, but because it served as a reminder to the oligarchic bourgeois of Honduras that although they live in a parallel universe to our own, they are nothing but disposable servants of empire and international capital. The public ridicule in this case becomes one of the most just punishments.

The rich and famous have always enjoyed taking the profits they reap by exploiting the low cost of domestic manual labor, and flying first class to the luxurious commercial centers of North American cities. The visa, for them, is part of their identity. In the north they have their houses, their country clubs, their businesses and their savings. In the north their children study, they vacation, they relax far from the dusty and boisterous streets of Honduras. Now that they are condemned to share the mess that they've gotten us into with the rest of us Hondurans, they go on about how they never cared about the visa and that they are ready to hold their ground until the end.

Two interesting facts about the visas we've been hearing so much about. Those who lost them are minor figures in the oligarchy. The lords and owners of Honduras, the major partners and friends of international capital still move freely throughout the world making it look like they have kept to the sidelines so that they can make the final decision about whether Mel returns. It is they, and the presidential candidates of the traditional parties who will be in charge of the transition process for Mel's return, who will have to convince Micheletti and Romeo Vásquez to give up their positions in favor of their economic interests. On the other hand, with visas canceled for fourteen of the fifteen Supreme Court Justices, one is moved to ask who is the one judge who still has theirs?

Enter the corruption scandal of Latinnode, a North American company found guilty in the United States in 2008 of corruption in a case which implicated numerous high-level officials of the Zelaya administration. The names of the second, third and fourth most deeply involved officials had already been made public, Marcelo Chimirri, the ex-president of Hondutel who is currently in prison, among others, but the name of the primary official–supposedly the most important and who at one time was rumored to be Zelaya himself–was kept secret. Now the news is filtering through the press that said figure could be the ex-Minister of the Presidency, son of Jaime Rosenthal–the powerful businessman from the North Coast, owner of Channel 11 and the Tiempo newspaper, critic of the current regime and someone who has always counted on a certain share of power within liberal governments.

Rosenthal, from the start of the coup d'etat and even before it, has maintained a certain distance from the group that led the break with the constitution, not because his economic objectives differ from theirs nor because he's not considered part of the national oligarchy. His reasons are not very clear to me. I imagine that there is some sort of economic conflict pushing him more to one side than the other. But it is interesting to note that the most influential families in the coup d'etat are of Palestinian descent, some with close ties to the PLO (historical contradictions that merit a much longer discussion).

Los Rosenthal are of Jewish descent, and I cannot think of a single Jewish family that is completely within the coup of the oligarchy. The thing is, with the appearance now of Yanny Rosenthal as the primary figure in the Latinnode scandal, the Rosenthals could be forced to take a less critical stance towards the Micheletti government.

The election campaign of the oligarchy goes on, albeit with major difficulties. Elvin Santos was forced to militarize the city of la Ceiba to be able to hold a political rally, which was later lauded in the press as having been an indisputable success, a forceful demonstration that that the Honduran people support the upcoming elections. On the other hand Pepe Lobo, who from the beginning has tried to distance himself from the coup d'etat despite the fact that his party is one of its principal guarantors, decries the sabotage of his campaign material which shows up, everywhere, with the word "golpista" stamped underneath the photo of his face.

Tomorrow the different presidential candidates will attend the meeting convened by Oscar Arias in San José, Costa Rica, where they will talk about the problems faced by the general elections if the conflict continues. Carlos H. Reyes has said he will not attend. He said he has an appointment at the government health clinic to check on his broken bones, resulting from the repression in El Durazno. He stated that furthermore, the resistance does not support the San José plan because it fails to recognize the Constituent Assembly as the only way out of the social crisis in Honduras. The resistance does not plan to abandon the fight for a new constitution, with or without Zelaya. This is what Micheletti was trying to avoid with the coup d'etat. This is what Washington is trying to avoid with the San José Accords.



Día ochenta, quince de septiembre de 2009.

El quince de septiembre se celebra la independencia de Centro América, una fiesta tradicionalmente protagonizada por las bandas de guerra, pelotones y palillonas de los colegios de secundaria, quienes compiten entre ellos para tener el primer lugar entre los muchos que marchan en las calles. Desde siempre, ha sido una oportunidad para la población de ser espectadores del homenaje que los jóneves le rinden a la patria. Junto con sus familias, miles de personas se instalan desde tempranas horas a orillas de las calles para ver pasar a los colegios y luego trasladarse al estadio nacional en donde termina el desfile. Ha sido, lo que los medios siempre han llamado, una fiesta cívica.

Pero este año fue distinto, este quince de septiembre cobró un significado especial, para unos, una oportunidad para exigir una independencia real de un país secuestrado por la oligarquía, resistir ante un golpe de Estado que amenaza las estructuras frágiles de la democracia y mostrar la fuerza del pueblo que se niega a aceptar a Micheletti Bain como presidente; para otros, una conmemoración de una independencia ideológica de la izquierda de Chavez -según lo explicara canal 8 en su transmisión del evento- y en ultima instancia del mundo, que se ha unido y condena a la clase gobernante y su “re-interpretación” de los principios básicos de la democracia. EN Honduras somos independientes, dijo Micheletti Baín, no dejaremos que ningún país nos influya. Hubo pues dos desfiles paralelos, conmemorando dos independencias, dos países profundamente diferentes.

Por un lado el gobierno de Micheletti organizó un desfile militar. Todos los batallones del ejercito en sus tres ramas desfilaron por las calles de Tegucigalpa reafirmando su poder bélico: helicópteros sobre volaron los cielos, aviones de combate haciendo alarde de complicadas maniobras, ágiles paracaidistas cayendo en el estadio acompañando a los civiles que sacaron sus camionetas Hummer, caballos de lujo y motocicletas Harley Davison para respaldar al Presidente de facto que desde el palco presidencial agradecía al borde de las lágrimas a SU pueblo por el apoyo mostrado.

Si bien hay que reconocer que la demostración de fuerza que el gobierno quiso dar al mundo no resultó muy convincente. El desfile fue corto, apenas duró unas horas y aunque el espectáculo habría sido de agrado para la población hondureña, (a quien siempre nos ha gustado esa clase circo), lo cierto es que contó con muy poca presencia civil. Muchos de los marchantes eran veteranos de guerra y reservista del ejercito que apenas podían mantener el paso y el Estadio Nacional, que tiene capacidad para albergar a unos 35,000 espectadores, lució vacío, apenas unas cinco mil personas en graderías. Fue necesario hacer uso de los mismo militares que al salir de la pista se sumaban a las graderías para llenar el estadio. La gente simplemente no asistió a la convocatoria del Gobierno y como dijo Armida de López, no muy convencida, hay que celebrar que en Honduras la gente tiene la libertad de hacer lo que quiera. Porque el pueblo fue a la otra marcha.

A unos pocos kilómetros de distancia la resistencia organizó una marcha de independencia, un desfile popular al cual acudieron cientos de miles de personas de toda Tegucigalpa. Paralelamente cada ciudad del país realizó un desfile similar, lleno de color, diversidad y optimismo por una victoria popular que se siente cada vez más cercana. No hubo incidentes en la marcha del pueblo, unos dicen que porque los infiltrados hoy estaban llenando el estadio nacional. De todos los barrios y colonias de la ciudad, llegaron grupos de personas, esta ves organizados a nivel de base, todos ese espíritu colectivo que nos recuerda que unidos somos un pueblo fuertes, capaz de derrotar a la dictadura.

Vimos los aviones militares F5 que pasaban cerca de nuestras cabezas molestando nuestros oídos, alardeando, tratando de intimidarnos con su poderío. Pero lejos de darnos miedo nos parecieron desesperados y tristes. El rostro de los policías y soldados que impedían que la manifestación llegara al Estadio Nacional era desencajado, con la miraba baja y desmoralizados. El rostro de Micheletti y su séquito de piratas era igual. Parecía más una procesión fúnebre que una fiesta cívica. Y es que saben que el ejército podrá llenar el estadio para el gobierno golpista, y si bien en nuestro país las Fuerzas Armadas Botan presidentes, los soldados en Honduras no votan.

Entre el pueblo se celebra la decisión del gobierno de Estados Unidos de cancelar las visas a muchas de las figuras principales del golpismo, celebramos no por creer que con ello se resolverá el problema en donde nos encontramos que bien sabemos requiere aun mucho trabajo y sacrificio, sino porque les recordó a los burgueses oligarcas de Honduras, que aunque viven en un mundo paralelo al nuestro, no son sino desechables servidores del imperio y del capital internacional. La burla pública en este caso, se convierte en uno de los castigos más justos.

Desde siempre los ricos y famosos pudieron disfrutar de los precios bajos de la mano de obra nacional, tomar sus ganancias y trasladarse en primera clase a los lujosos centros comerciales de las ciudades norteamericanas. La visa, para ellos, era parte de su identidad. En el norte tienen sus casas, sus clubes, sus empresas y sus ahorros. En el norte estudian sus hijos, vacacionan, se relajan alejándose de las calles polvosas y bulliciosas de Honduras. Ahora que están condenados a compartir con los demás hondureños la suerte en que nos han metido, se llenan la boca diciendo que jamás les importó la visa y que están dispuesto a llegar hasta las últimas consecuencias.

Dos datos interesantes sobre las famosas visas. Quienes las perdieron, son figuras menores de la oligarquía. Los grandes señores dueños de Honduras, los grandes socios y amigos del capital extranjero aun se mueven con libertad por el mundo y hace pensar que los han dejado a un lado para que sean ellos quienes tomen la decisión final sobre el retorno de Mel. Es a ellos, y a los candidatos presidenciales de los partidos tradicionales que les tocará dirigir el proceso de transición para el retorno de Mel, convencer a Micheletti y Romeo Vasquez para que cedan en sus posturas en favor de sus intereses económicos. Por otro lado se supo que la visa le fue cancelada a catorce de los quince magistrados de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, la duda surge en el magistrado que aun cuenta con visa, ¿Quién es?

Surge ahora el famoso escándalo de corrupción de Latinnode, empresa norteamericana que fue condenada el 2008 en Estados Unidos por corrupción y la que vinculó a altos funcionarios de la administración Zelaya. Ya habían salido a la luz pública el nombre de los funcionaros B, C y D, Marcelo Chimirri entre ellos, ex gerente de Hondutel y quien en la actualidad guarda prisión, pero se guardó con sumo recelo el nombre del Funcionario A, supuertamente el más improtante y quien en su momento se dijo era Zelaya. Ahora se filtra en la prensa que dicho personaje podría ser el Ex Ministro de la Presidencia, hijo de Jaime Rossental, poderoso empresario de la costa norte, dueño de canal 11 y diario Tiempo críticos actuales del régimen y quien desde siempre ha contado con una cuota de poder dentro de los gobiernos liberales.

Rossental, desde el principio del golpe de estado y antes aún del mismo, ha mantenido una cierta distancia con el grupo protagonista del rompimiento constitucional, no porque difieran de los objetivos económicos con los mismos, o porque no se le considere parte de la oligarquía nacional. Sus razones no me son aún muy claras, imagino habrá cierto conflicto económico que lo empuja a un lado más que al otro. Pero llama sí la atención ver, que las familias más influyentes dentro del golpe de estado son palestino descendientes, algunos aún con fuerte vínculos con las Organización para la Liberación del Palestina (contradicciones históricas para hablar largo rato).

Los Rossental, son judío descendientes y no se me ocurre una familia judía matriculada de lleno con el golpe de la Oligarquía. La cosa es que con la aparición ahora del nombre de Yanny Rossental como el funcionario A de Latinnode, los Rossental podrían verse empujados a presentar una postura menos crítica con el gobierno de Micheletti.

La campaña de las elecciones de la Oligarquía sigue avanzando si bien con grandes dificultades. Elvin Santos se vio en la necesidad de militarizar la ciudad de la Ceiba para poder efectuar su concentración política, que luego anunció en la prensa nacional como un éxito indiscutible, muestra contundente que el pueblo hondureño apoya las futuras elecciones. Por otro lado Pepe Lobo, quien ha intentado desde el inicio separarse del golpe de estado, si bien su partido es uno de los principales garantes del mismo, denuncia ahora el sabotaje que sufre su material de campaña que aparece, por todos lados, con el cartel “golpista” bajo la foto de su cara.

Mañana los diferentes candidatos presidenciales asistirán a la reunión convocada por Oscar Arias en San José de Costa Rica, discutirán sobre los problemas que enfrentarán las elecciones generales de continuar el conflicto. Carlos H Reyes ha dicho que no asistirá, dijo que tiene cita en el Seguro Social para revisar su fractura luego de la represión del El Durazno. Dijo además, que la resistencia no apoya el plan de San José porque desconoce a la Constituyente como la salida a la crisis social de Honduras. La resistencia no piensa abandonar la lucha por una nueva constitución, con o sin Zelaya. Esto era lo que intentaba Micheletti evitar con el golpe de Estado. Esto es lo que intenta evitar Washington con el Plan San José.



Some more detail, please

I have a question regarding the Latinode/Hondutel story. First off, I have never quite figured out what the scandal was supposed to be about (yes, I know: improper payments to encourage the conversion of telephone calls of one class into calls of another class, thereby gouging consumers; the gouging of consumers is so rarely prosecuted that it's difficult to believe this was actually a crime).

But although Latinode pled guilty, the legal trail to Hondutel officials was much more murky. Latinode pled guilty to making payments to third parties who were supposed to bribe Hondutel officials; whether they did or not has not been established. And, as I understood it, Chimirri was actually in jail for an unrelated matter (having to do with the death of his girlfriend), that he has not been tried, much less convicted for the bribery allegation. Is that correct, or have I missed something? And the "numerous high-level officials of the Zelaya administration"... are these individuals who Zelaya appointed or are they simply managers in Hondutel?

I'd be the last person to deny that there might be corruption in the Zelaya administration: Latin America is so rife with corruption that one could justifiably arrest almost every official from Mexicali to Puerto Remolino. But I get the impression that the allegations in the Latinode matter are way out in front of the facts. So, some more detail would be of interest.

--Charles of Mercury Rising

An Open Letter of Disagreement

Dr. Pine,

I'd like to start out by saying I respect what you've said so far in your blog, and I've heard from my fellow countrymen and women in American University that your public opinions on the matter have been interesting to say the least. I understand that you are a well read, versed and knowledgeable academic. I also know your interests in research are of great value to yourself and those around you.

Having said that, I'd like to state I disagree with what you've stated and what I have personally read you have written or decided to agree with. As someone who was raised in a US Embassy School from k-12th grade, someone who has dedicated her early 20s to the practice of law and to serving my country, Honduras, via the Constitutional Room of the Supreme Court and someone who has learned what freedom, democracy, rule of law, liberty and justice truly mean, I can't help but question why you would take this stand. I suppose I naively believe that our freedoms are worth fighting for, that that fight should have no end, that we need to and must defend our way of life to ensure our future generations’ peace and liberty and so that when they ask us what role we took at a moment like this we do not have to answer with a "not the one I should have" or "none at all" but instead answer with a "I defended our Constitution," "I defended our country," "I rose up and I spoke out against illegality and unconstitutionality with no pause as to what possible consequences it would have against myself, and with all thought on the consequences my silence would have on you."

At this point you may be anxious to call me part of the oligarchy. However my family history is that of hard work, dedication and close attention to study. 3 of my 4 grandparents were poor immigrants who left their countries in search of a better way of life and found a home in Honduras. They worked arduously, hours on end, and imbedded that spirit to my parents. Both of my parents were the first generation of college graduates in my family. They both believe that the best investment a family could make was in education for their children and have spent most of their savings sending my sister and I to the best schools money could afford. They are the reason I am versed in this language I type to you today in. They taught us the values of their ancestors, and I still remember spending most of my childhood and adolescence in the family businesses, toiling after my schoolwork was done to ensure my families economical safety. If that were the definition of what you consider an oligarchic family then I'd be interested to ask where you learned such a thing.

I’d like to end by asking you for a reply to the following questions. Why have you decided to support former president Zelaya? What legal and constitutional basis do you have for this position? Do you actually know what his actions were and why he has an arrest warrant against him emitted on June 25th of this year? Do you know the history as to why we have articles that cannot be reformed in our Constitution? Do you know that our current Constitution can and has been reformed in many other articles that do not have that quality in the legally prescribed way? And lastly, are you willing to learn about the other side of the argument?

Awaiting your reply,

Laura Miranda

Laura, would you mind reading an independent analysis?

Laura, some very bright and well-trained people have examined the legal issues involved in this case very closely. To give you the synopsis: it is impossible for the expulsion of Zelaya to have been legal because it violated a number of norms of international law, inarguably including:
1. The accused person has to be allowed to tell their side of the story (one element of due process)
2. Soldiers cannot be used to arrest people except under extraordinary circumstances (which there were not); this is explicitly stated in the Honduran Constitution.
3. People cannot be expelled from the country in which they have citizenship; as Adrienne says, this is also explicitly stated in the Honduran Constitution.

Now, common sense should tell you that this is the truth. Consider that
no other country has recognized the regime, while all countries recognize Zelaya and his ministers. If Honduras were following international law, wouldn't you expect some countries to take the side of the regime?

There has been much more detailed analysis done, going into exactly what steps of due process were taken and which were not, what the bases for the allegations against Zelaya were, and so on. I suggest reading the following posts, written by a scholar with no ax to grind: ONE, TWO, THREE, and FOUR.

A sober reading of those pieces should convince you that Honduras did not follow even its own law as it rushed to eject President Zelaya. And now there is Hell to pay.

Hark! a civil golpista

I appreciate your tone, Laura, but the basis of your argument is confused. Yes, I know the history of the Honduran constitution, yes, I know the other arguments (believe me, I've been listening to them and reading them incessantly since before the coup, and you can read my book if you doubt that), and yes I know the "crimes" Zelaya is accused of, for which he never was given his constitutional right to defend himself in a fair trial. And none of those arguments--despite their being repeated over and over again by an increasingly small and lonely circle of people trying to defend an unquestionably illegal military coup (read the constitution- no Honduran can be expatriated) and the atrocities that have followed it, including rapes, targeted assassinations, attacks on the free press and militarization of libraries and cultural institutions and torture--can mask the main point. What is going on in Honduras is about democracy. And if you go beyond an incredibly narrow, historically misinformed, and hypocritical reading of the Honduran constitution (which Micheletti himself tried to change by calling for a constituent assembly in 1985, and which has been reformed, including articulos petrios, numerous times since 1982), it becomes necessary to recognize that a constitution does not a democracy make. One of the basic tenets of democracy is that democracy is a process; not a document. In fact, because it impedes process and consensus, the Honduran constitution is, like all constitutions but more so than most, anti-democratic, but that's a much longer discussion. And when the majority of the Honduran people is being attacked--violently--by a minority, when their democratically-elected (albeit barely, attesting to the weakness of electoral democracy) president can be ferreted out of the country in the name of "democracy", there's a fundamental disconnect. I don't mean to belabor the point, because frankly it's a waste of time to argue dogma. But I would like to point out that, in fact, I have never come out as a Zelaya supporter. As I said, what's going on in Honduras is about democracy. Not Zelaya. And Zelaya himself knows that. No matter how much golpistas try to turn this into an issue of an individual (whether that be Zelaya or Chavez), the hundreds of thousands of Hondurans who have been protesting without rest, and at great risk to their lives since the coup are testament to the fact that this coup was not against Zelaya; it was against the Honduran people, and their attempt to create a more truly democratic society, with a more democratic constitution. I stand in solidarity not with Zelaya, a politician who made the mistake of listening to the people who narrowly elected him, but with those people themselves--not as some kind of selfless act, but because a) my government is largely responsible for the coup, through training, financing, and ignoring the coup leaders and b) if this stands, Latin America will be returning to an era of military dictatorships much more violent than those of the eighties, and as the Obama administration scrambles to justify its lax position against the fascist, university-invading, comic book-burning, and IHAH-attacking government in Honduras, we all too easily slide into fascism ourselves.

When Intellect is not Intelligence...


Laura proves my Subject Line.

As you see, her thoughtful lines go around describing how proud she is of being the typical subject of an elitist education, one to which 99.99% of Hondurans can only dream of attaining (and I mention it not out of resentment, but to point out to the fact that we live in one of the most unequal societies upon Earth, one where less than 0.5% of the population own more than 90% of the wealth).

As a successfully trained scholar of the human condition, Adriana, you already know that one of the first signs you are about to receive a most categorical rebuff of your professional stance in a letter is when the author starts by describing the education that he/she thinks positions him/her above your own perception of the matter at hand.

Likewise, Laura's letter contains that unavoidable elitist element that ALL GOLPISTAS are always quick to mention in Honduras: They always descend from poor people, from two to a hundred generations before them.

As you know well, Adriana, they mention this only to remind you that because their ancestors were, from 20 to a 1,000 years ago, POOR, they now have the right to pull the strings of whatever the hell they want, without caring what anyone thinks, because they are still on the ride of vengeance against society for making their pa, grandpa, or grandzillionpa, POOR.

Because this is what it is, basically: A RIDE OF VINDICATION against Life for making them POOR.

And so, a rich man instills in his kids deep hatred against humankind for their sufferings.

Poor Laura fits this unconscious pattern very well, though of course, she knows nothing about it.

And from there, all that follows is basically a lengthy excuse for being a golpista, though I might mention, a very shallow one.





These are all golpista cliches that we are all tired to see on their golpista media, hollow sayings that cause deep anger in the people of Honduras, if only because they know it is exactly the opposite.

And also because it is funny how they never came in defense of the Constitution, Legality, and Freedom when they were being blasted into crap by previous governments.

It was only when one of them dared to ask the other 99.99% of the people what they thought about the way they were being governed that all hell broke upon this nation.

So you see, dear Laura there has got a piece of an intellect to show, yes, but no signs of an emotional intelligence that can bring her close to the suffering of the people of the nation that made her parents rich and successful enough so that they now can choose to trample upon the rights of others who want to have a say in what goes on and on and on every day.